The Eff Word Goes Mainstream

At long last, we are seeing mainstream recognition of the incredibly obvious: Donald Trump is a fascist. What prompted the realization was Trump’s passing endorsement of registering Muslims in a national database. This was the wake up call.

But come on: all the signs have been there since the beginning of his campaign. Why did it take so long?

It’s a bit like the boy who cried wolf. You warn about wolves so much that no one takes you seriously when a real one actually shows up.

Lefties since the late 1930s have tended to call all non-leftists fascists — which has led to a discrediting of the word itself. As time went on, the word became nothing but a vacuous political insult. It’s what people say about someone with whom they disagree.

Then in the 1990s came Godwin’s Law: “As an online discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving Nazis or Hitler approaches 1.” This law provided a convenient way to dismiss all talk of fascism as Internet babblings deployed in the midst of flame wars.

Godwin’s Law made worse the perception that followed the end of World War II that fascism was a temporary weird thing that afflicted a few countries but had been vanquished from the earth thanks to the allied war victory. It would no longer be a real problem but rather a swear word with no real substance.

Fascism is Real

Without this term used as an authentic descriptor, we have a problem. We have no accurate way to identify what is in fact the most politically successful movement of the 20th century. Never mind that the whole burden of one of the most famous pro-freedom books of the century — Hayek’s Road to Serfdom — was to warn that fascism was a more immediate and pressing danger to the developed world than Russian-style socialism. Hayek’s book was evidently more talked about than read.

Last July, I heard Trump speak and his talk displayed all the features of fascist rhetoric. He began with trade protectionism and held up autarky as an ideal. He moved to immigration, leading the crowd to believe that all their economic and security troubles were due to dangerous foreign elements among us. Then came the racial dog whistles: Trump demanded of a Hispanic questioner whether he was sent by the government of Mexico.

There was more. He railed against the establishment that is incompetent and lacking in energy. He bragged about his lack of interest-group ties — which is another way of saying that that only he can become the purest sort of dictator with no quid pro quos to tie him down.

Trump is clearly not pushing himself as a traditional American president, heading an executive branch and working with Congress and the judicial branch. He imagines himself as running to head a personal state: his will would be the one will for the country. He has no real reform plans beyond putting himself in charge, not only of the government but, as he imagines, the entire country. It’s a difference of substance that is very serious.

The rest of the campaign has been easy to predict. He refashioned himself as pro-family, anti-PC, and even pro-religion. These traits come with the package. The key to understanding fascism is this: it preserves the despotic ambitions of socialism while removing its most politically unpopular elements. It assures the population that it can keep its property, religion, and faith provided all these elements are channeled into a grand national project under a charismatic leader of high competence.

Douthat’s Analysis

As the realization has spread that Trump is the real deal, so has the quality of reflection on its implication. Most impressive so far has been Ross Douthat’s article in the New York Times. As he explains, Trump displays as least 7 features of Umberto Eco’s list of fascist traits: “a cult of action, a celebration of aggressive masculinity, an intolerance of criticism, a fear of difference and outsiders, a pitch to the frustrations of the lower middle class, an intense nationalism and resentment at national humiliation, and a ‘popular elitism’ that promises every citizen that they’re part of ‘the best people of the world.’”

In this, Trump is different from others in American history who have been called fascist, writes Douthat. George Wallace was a local-rights guy and hated Washington, whereas Trump loves power and only thinks in terms of centralization. Pat Buchanan’s fascistic nativism was always tempered by his attachment to Catholic moral teaching that puts brakes on power ambitions. Ross Perot was called a fascist but actually he was a government reformer who wanted to bring business standards to government finance, which is very different from wanting to manage the entire country. Also, Perot avoided racialist dog whistles.

Why has genuine fascism been kept at bay in America? Why has the American right wing not finally taken the step that might have plunged it into authoritarian/nativist aspirations? Here Douthat is especially insightful: “part of the explanation has to be that the American conservative tradition has always included important elements — a libertarian skepticism of state power, a stress on localism and states’ rights, a religious and particularly Protestant emphasis on the conscience of an individual over the power of the collective — that inoculated our politics against fascism’s appeal.”

Note that he singles out libertarianism as an ideological brake on fascist longings. This is precisely right. Libertarianism grows out of the liberal tradition which is about far more than merely hating the ruling-class establishment. It has universalist longings, embodied in its long defense of free trade, free speech, free migration, and freedom of religion. The central-planning feature of fascistic ideology is absolutely ruled out by libertarian love for spontaneous social and economic forces at work in society.

As for “energy” emanating from the executive branch, the liberal tradition can’t be clearer. No amount of intelligence, resources, or determined will from the top down can make government work. The problem is the apparatus itself, not the personalities and values of the rulers who happen to be in charge.

(I’m leaving aside the strange and deep irony that many self-professed libertarians have fallen for Trump, a fact which should be deeply embarrassing to anyone and everyone who has affection for human liberty, somewhat reminiscent of the intellectual support for Hitler. And good for Ron Paul that he has denounced this Trump in no uncertain terms.)

Can He Win?

Douthat seriously doubts that Trump can finally win over Republicans, due to “his lack of any real religious faith, his un-libertarian style and record, his clear disdain for the ideas that motivate many of the most engaged Republicans.”

I’m not so sure. The economic conditions that led to a rise of Hitler in Germany, Mussolini in Italy, and Franco in Spain are nowhere close to being replicated here. But Americans are wimps with extreme responses to even the slightest evidence that things aren’t quite right — and by extreme I do not mean in the love of liberty. There is a strong authoritarian streak in the GOP and it the enduring appeal of Trump is proof of this.

It’s time to dust off that copy of Road to Serfdom and realize that the biggest threats to liberty come from unexpected places. While the GOP masses are still worrying themselves about the influence of leftwing professors, they need to open their eyes to the possibility that the gravest threat to American rights and liberties exists within their own ranks.

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Free the People publishes opinion-based articles from contributing writers. The opinions and ideas expressed do not always reflect the opinions and ideas that Free the People endorses. We believe in free speech, and in providing a platform for open dialog. Feel free to leave a comment!

Jeffrey A. Tucker

Jeffrey A. Tucker is Founder and President of the Brownstone Institute. He is also Senior Economics Columnist for Epoch Times, author of 10 books, including Liberty or Lockdown, and thousands of articles in the scholarly and popular press. He speaks widely on topics of economics, technology, social philosophy, and culture.

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  • Of course he’s a fascist. He’s a progressive Democrat at heart. Not a Republican. And that’s what he’s been his whole life and most of the policies he’s supported in his books in the past fit that identification. Fundamental to progressivism in the US is the pragmatic school of philosophy (Dewey, James, et al). This is also one of the basis for the European fascism of Mussolini and is why there was so little difference between the regimes of Wilson, FDR, and Mussolini. The American progressives (with the exception of a few like TR) – eschewed militarism in favor of what James termed causes with the “moral equivalent of war”. But it is the same fascism – based on pragmatist philosophy and largely influenced by Bismark’s militaristic socialist state in Prussia in the 1800’s.

  • Time to dust off Peikoff’s ‘Ominous Parallels’. My concern is why he strikes a chord in so many people. His type always existed but they stayed in the shadows and corners, as oddballs and crazies, until the populace were ripe for charismatic men with simple solutions, espousing an imaginary future of greatness, requiring sacrifices for the greater good.

    Hitler was voted in regardless of his goals in Mein Kampf. Trump win? Possibly, but not likely.

  • It’s sickening to see Trump appealing to peoples’ frustrations with bigotry and dishonesty by saying to them that their whole life is somebody else’s fault and that the solution, as he sees it, is to go and pick on some foreigners to make ourselves feel better. He knows he doesn’t need facts when carefully manipulated ‘feelings’ (that he’s manipulating) run so high.

  • Obamacare is assuredly a fascist program. The defensive ire that emanates from the mouths of the Obama supporters when the blatant fascism of Obamacare is presented to them is astounding. Utter denial and angry expletives. I expect that the same sort of defensive and irrational denial will appear from the Republicans supporting Trump…

  • Matching Egos
    I think I am The Donald,
    The ego can match,
    Whatever it is,
    Obama can hatch.

    No Top Hat
    I think I am bumper sticker,
    “Trump Be the Prez,”
    Inauguration day,
    Not don a fez.

    Dumping Trump
    I think I am a download,
    Attachments to dump,
    In playing the hand,
    Dispose of the trump.

  • Ross Douthat would know. Trumpism is the logical outcome of what Douthat has been shilling in National Review for years. Only when it borders on parody does one recognize it in others. -ak, speaking on my own behalf, not Antiwar.com.

  • Wasn’t aware of Godwin’s law. I think its a good rule to remember in the context of partisan politics; once used, those who aren’t already convinced of the “truth” of the target of that label are going to dismiss it out of hand.

    Said another way, using the fascist label is a good way to convince those who aren’t already convinced to ignore what you have to say. Regardless of whether it’s true or not.

  • I watched one of your videos and you described Trump as a brownshirt and I just giggled and shrugged it off. However, as time proceeds, I am seeing trends that are becoming alarming. I see a population clamoring for some kind of a savour in saving them from a boogeyman. And with that clamoring, I see people trading freedom for a false sense of security. I happened upon this article and realized how little the government can provide in actual security unless it moves into a total police state.

  • Americans are terribly violent people. I think we’d better wake up and embrace nonviolence in our personal and government affairs before we get what we deserve, perhaps in the form of a fascist dictator and an oppressive police state. One prominent element of the problem is the rule of law. With a cumulative beezillion laws on the books all demanding violent enforcement, we have become a nation of prisoners and guards. And with the foreign policies of a 21st-century colonial empire pushing the rest of humanity around, we sure as hell aren’t the shinning beacon on a hill we once may have been. We seek to control every aspect of the behavior of our neighbors at home and abroad, and when the viper of violence hits us we are bewildered and look to blame others or each other. ISIS may simply be a reflection of America’s violence. We deserve a Trump or a Hillary.

  • My speculation isn’t worth the photons you’re seeing it in, but David Stockman makes a persuasive case that we’re nearing another economic recession possibly worse than 2009, which was terrible by the standards of people born in the U.S. in recent decades. When people only starting to get their heads above water find themselves sinking again, they’ll be looking for scapegoats and a quick political fix. Jeb Bush won’t offer what they’re buying, and Clinton/Sanders will offer solutions unpalatable to the right wing of the ruling class.

    At this point, the Republican establishment will rally around any candidate attracting the sheeple to the polls, and in a worsening economy, the sheeple flocking to the polls can change. If their prospects seem to be improving, the class of people supporting Trump in polls may not vote proportionately, but if their prospects seem to be declining, again, they may turn out disproportionately, and establishment Republicans then will hope to harness Trump rather than betting on another horse.

    Maybe comparisons to Hindenburg reluctantly accepting Hitler as Chancellor are extreme, but the analogy isn’t totally ridiculous.

  • I’ve got to stop thinking about this despicable creep. Hating him has consumed the last too much of the last twelve hours.
    I’m going to try and convince a young technologically competent associate here to photo shop Trump’s hair on Osama Bin Laden’s face, and be done thinking about his vile self.

  • You have missed one critical difference maker regarding the Republican Party: the alienation of Libertarian thinkers. The marginalization of Ron Paul in the last election, the marginalization of Rand Paul in the present election, and the presentation of big-government, centralized-control type candidates by the Republican National Committee without regard to the libertarian leanings of their base has caused most of the small-government and liberty oriented members to abandon the Republican Party in favor of registering as Independents or joining the Libertarian Party ranks. The old check within the party which kept Fascism at bay has been destroyed as the liberty oriented base was alienated by Republican leadership. Trump will win in the new Republican Party in the same way that Socialist Progressive Obama won in the Democratic Party.

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